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  • U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson (C) looks on as President Donald Trump dinners with business men and CEO

    U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson (C) looks on as President Donald Trump dinners with business men and CEO's during the World Economic Forum (WEF) annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland January 25, 2018. | Photo: Reuterers

Published 14 February 2018
The Tillerson model for hemispheric relations embodies the traditional war diplomacy of Washington.

In the context of a geopolitical dispute with extracontinental capitalist competitors (China, Russia and European Union) challenging the empire's hegemony within its traditional influence areas, the recent tour of Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in Mexico, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Jamaica had a clear expansionist projection based on two main axes: security and energy.

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As a member of the transnational capitalist elite, Tillerson, a former executive director of the American private oil corporation Exxon-Mobil, the fourth largest company in the world after state-owned Aramco (Saudi Arabia), NIOC (Iran) and CNPC (China), according to Jorge Eduardo Navarrete, Tillerson used a primitive mercantile approach, anachronistic as the Monroe Doctrine on which he based his speech at the University of Texas, in Austin, one day before his arrival in Mexico.

The Tillerson model for hemispheric relations embodies the traditional war diplomacy of Washington, emphasized due to the structural and legitimacy world crisis of the capitalist system.  William I. Robinson has characterized the strategy as a fusion between reactionary political power in the State, right-wing forces, authoritarian and neo-fascist in civil society, and transnational corporate capital. A triangulation of interests that, in perspective, under the Trump administration, is shaping a neo-fascist global police state.

In this context, fractions of the largest capital most prone to 21st-century fascism are located in the speculative financial sector, the military-industrial-security-media complex and in the extractive industries, interwoven with high-tech / digital capital.

Given the magnitude of the crisis of capitalism, its global reach, the social deterioration and the degree of ecological degradation that it generates, in order to contain real or potential protests or rebellions, the dominant plutocracy has promoted diverse systems of social mass control, repression and war (open or clandestine), which are also used as tools to obtain profits and continue accumulating capital in the face of stagnation. This is what Robinson calls militarized accumulation or repression.

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Such categorization refers to the Achilles heel of capitalism: overaccumulation. The growing gap between what is produced and what the market can absorb. If the capitalists can not sell their products, they do not make a profit. Given the enormous concentration of wealth -with its correlative levels of social polarization and unprecedented global inequality-, the transnational capitalist class needs to find profitable productive exists to discharge huge amounts of accumulated surpluses.

Hence, the energy and extractivist complexes resort to the intensification and deepening of neoliberalism via the privatization of road, port, airport, railroad, pipelines and electricity infrastructure (eg, Pemex and the Federal Electricity Commission in the Mexican case); the labor super-exploitation and precarization of work (subcontracting, outsourcing), and policies of total deregulation and greater subsidy to transnational capital.

Said policies of capital relocalization, reindustrialization and accumulation by depriving others of territories, as well as raw materials in dependent economies, have been occurring in Mexico, Central and South America via mild blows, the de facto imposition of a permanent state of emergency and the establishment of police states, whose support are the militarization of civil society and different modalities of endless tactical warfare, camouflaged as an anti-drug fight or against internal enemies - say the Mapuches by Mauricio Macri's government -, with advanced weapons driven by artificial intelligence, including sophisticated monitoring, tracking, security and surveillance systems.

Produced in the Permian and Louisiana Basin, to the Asian market (Japan, China, India , South Korea, Taiwan), via the ports of Manzanillo and the Coatzacoalcos / Salina Cruz axis, on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, taking advantage of Pemex's installed infrastructure will give energy corporations advantages, using less time and lower transportation costs than if they did this through the Panama Canal.

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Given that hydrocarbons are a central component of Donald's militarized neocolonial strategy and energy security both for Trump and the corporations of the economy sector - within the context of conservative restoration and defense of its hegemony -, Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA, fifth largest oil company in the world) was another central objective of the Tillerson tour. That is why he instructed the secessionist collaborationist governments of Enrique Peña Nieto, Mauricio Macri, Pedro Kuczynski and Juan Manuel Santos, the new modalities that they will have to carry out in order to intensify the military, economic and financial siege against the constitutional government of Nicolas Maduro, including a possible oil embargo as a new precipitator of a humanitarian crisis that will eventually justify a multilateral military intervention.

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